[2022-08-10] 纽时 - 为什么中国人民不再仰望美国 - 技術討論區

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[2022-08-10] 纽时 - 为什么中国人民不再仰望美国

美国时间2022年8月9日的电子版纽约时报出现了一篇来自中国共产党员的观点文章。纽时观点栏目的编辑在美东时间9日凌晨介绍了为什么会在纽时上发表来自匪国党员的文章(因为你逼是左媒啊，本人非川粉，现实就是纽时偏左华邮偏右。)。我觉得挺有意思的，分享给大家。这次没有黑鸡巴！

A View From China on How Perceptions of America Have Changed
中国对美国观念发生变化的看法

By Yara Bayoumy
Ms. Bayoumy is the world and national security editor for Opinion.
亚拉·贝尤米
Bayoumy 女士是观点栏目负责世界和国家安全的编辑。

The fallout over House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s trip to Taiwan last week is still reverberating. China had spent weeks warning the United States against the visit, saying it would damage relations. In Washington, policymakers and experts argued the pros and cons. In the end, Pelosi spent less than 24 hours on the island, but it was a hugely symbolic expression of solidarity with Taiwan. China views such visits as “foreign interference” in Taiwan — a self-governed democracy that Beijing considers Chinese territory — and reacted angrily. It staged live-fire military drills and suspended cooperation with the United States in several areas, and its foreign minister walked out of diplomatic gatherings attended by the United States.
众议院议长南希佩洛西上周台湾之行的影响仍在回荡。中国花了数周时间警告美国不要访问，称这将损害两国关系。在华盛顿，政策制定者和专家争论了利弊。最终，佩洛西在岛上呆了不到24小时，却是对台湾的声援，极具象征意义。中国将此类访问视为对台湾的“外国干涉”——北京认为是中国领土的自治民主国家——并做出了愤怒的反应。它举行实弹军事演习，并暂停与美国在多个领域的合作，其外长退出了美国参加的外交聚会。

Even before Pelosi’s trip, U.S.-China relations were in a tailspin. Long-simmering disputes over China’s human rights record and trade policies boiled over under former President Donald Trump, who instigated a tariff war with China and blamed the country for the coronavirus pandemic. Things have not improved under President Biden. China’s support for Russia in its war on Ukraine has irked Washington, adding to strains over Beijing’s aggressive efforts to win influence in Asia, the South Pacific, Africa and other regions; Chinese espionage; and maneuvers in the South China Sea, to say nothing of its relentless crushing of dissent in Hong Kong and the humanitarian catastrophe perpetrated in Xinjiang.
甚至在佩洛西出访之前，美中关系就陷入了混乱。关于中国人权记录和贸易政策的长期争议在前总统唐纳德特朗普的领导下爆发，他煽动与中国的关税战，并将武汉肺炎大流行归咎于该国。在拜登总统的领导下，情况并没有好转。中国在对乌克兰的战争中支持俄罗斯激怒了华盛顿，加之北京为在亚洲、南太平洋、非洲和其他地区赢得影响力的正在积极努力；中国间谍活动；和在南海的演习，更不用说它在香港无情地镇压异议和在新疆犯下的人道主义灾难。

Times Opinion has published several writers with different perspectives who make arguments about how the United States can counter China more effectively. We also thought it would be useful for readers to hear from Wang Wen, a Communist Party member who runs a Chinese think tank and is a former chief opinion editor of The Global Times, an arm of The People’s Daily, the official Communist Party newspaper.
Times Opinion 发表了几位不同观点的作家，他们就美国如何更有效地对抗中国提出了论点。但我们认为，王文是共产党员，经营着一家中国智囊团，曾任中共官方报纸《人民日报》旗下《环球时报》的首席意见编辑王文，我们还认为这对读者很有帮助。

In a guest essay, Wang offers a viewpoint seldom considered in America. He writes that in the late 1990s many in China looked to America with admiration, but that view changed considerably over the years as the Chinese saw a more dysfunctional side of the United States.
在这篇客座文章中，王提出了一个在美国很少被考虑的观点。他写道，在 1990 年代后期，许多中国人对美国表示钦佩，但随着中国人看到美国更不正常的一面，这种看法随着时间的推移发生了很大变化。

“After years of watching America’s wars overseas, reckless economic policies and destructive partisanship — culminating in last year’s disgraceful assault on the U.S. Capitol — many Chinese, myself included, can barely make out that shining beacon anymore,” Wang writes.
“多年关注美国的海外战争、鲁莽的经济政策和破坏性的党派偏见——最终导致去年对美国国会大厦的可耻攻击——包括我自己在内的许多中国人几乎再也看不到那盏闪亮的灯塔了，”王写道。

Some will disagree with Wang’s argument. But if the world’s two greatest powers are to start on the path of reconciliation, mutual understanding is the first step.
有些人会不同意王的论点。但如果世界两大强国要走上和解的道路，相互理解是第一步。

By Wang Wen
Mr. Wang researches global governance and has studied China’s re-emergence as a world power. He is a Communist Party member and a former chief opinion editor of The Global Times, an arm of the official Communist Party newspaper, The People’s Daily.
王文
王先生研究全球治理，研究中国重新崛起为世界大国。他是中共党员，曾任中共官方报纸《人民日报》旗下的《环球时报》首席舆论编辑。王文，浙江义乌人，曾先后就读于兰州大学、香港浸会大学、南京大学－约翰斯·霍普金斯大学等高校。曾任《环球时报》编委（主管评论）和社评起草人。文化名家暨“四个一批”人才，国家“万人计划”哲学社会科学领军人才。
现任中国人民大学重阳金融研究院（人大重阳）执行院长，中国人民大学丝路学院副院长、特聘教授，中美人文交流研究中心执行主任。

BEIJING — My generation of Chinese looked up to the United States.
北京——我这一代中国人曾仰慕美国。

When I was a university student in northwestern China in the late 1990s, my friends and I tuned in to shortwave broadcasts of Voice of America, polishing our English while soaking up American and world news. We flocked to packed lecture halls whenever a visiting American professor was on campus.
1990 年代后期，当我还是中国西北的一名大学生时，我和我的朋友们收听了美国之音的短波广播，一边收听美国和世界新闻，一边磨练我们的英语。每当有来访的美国教授在校园里时，我们就会蜂拥到拥挤的演讲厅。

It was a thrilling time. China was emerging from isolationism and poverty, and as we looked to the future we studied democracy, market economics, equality and other ideals that made America great. We couldn’t realistically adopt them all because of China’s conditions, but our lives were transformed as we recalibrated our economy on a U.S. blueprint.
那是一段激动人心的时刻。中国正在摆脱孤立主义和贫困，当我们展望未来时，我们研究了民主、市场经济、平等和其他使美国变得伟大的理想。由于中国的国情，我们无法真正采用它们，但随着我们根据美国蓝图重新调整经济，我们的生活发生了转变。

Decades earlier, a reform-minded scholar said that even the moon in the United States was rounder than in China. My schoolmates and I wanted to believe it.
几十年前，一位改革派学者说，美国的月亮也比中国的圆。我和我的同学都想相信它。

But after years of watching America’s wars overseas, reckless economic policies and destructive partisanship — culminating in last year’s disgraceful assault on the U.S. Capitol — many Chinese, including me, can barely make out that shining beacon anymore.
但经过多年观察美国在海外的战争、鲁莽的经济政策和破坏性的党派偏见——最终导致去年对美国国会大厦的可耻攻击——包括我在内的许多中国人几乎看不到那盏闪亮的灯塔了。

Yet as relations between our countries deteriorate, the United States blames us. Secretary of State Antony Blinken did so in May, saying that China was “undermining” the rules-based world order and could not be relied upon to “change its trajectory.”
然而，随着我们两国关系恶化，美国指责我们。美国国务卿安东尼·布林肯在 5 月就这样做了，称中国正在“破坏”以规则为基础的世界秩序，不能指望中国“改变其轨迹”。

I have misgivings about some of my country’s policies. And I recognize that some criticisms of my government’s policies are justified. But Americans must also recognize that U.S. behavior is hardly setting a good example.
我对我国家的一些政策有疑虑。我承认对我政府政策的一些批评是有道理的。但美国人也必须认识到，美国的行为也很难成为一个好榜样。

The shift in Chinese attitudes wasn’t a given. But when U.S.-led NATO forces mistakenly bombed the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, Serbia, in 1999 during the Kosovo war, our idolizing of America began to wane. Three people were killed in that attack, and 20 were wounded. Two years later, a U.S. spy plane and a Chinese fighter jet collided in the South China Sea, leaving a Chinese pilot dead. These incidents may have seemed relatively minor to Americans, but they shocked us. We had largely avoided foreign wars and were not used to our citizens dying in conflicts involving other countries. The shift in perception gained pace as the 2000s unfolded and more Chinese had televisions. We watched as the carnage of America’s disastrous involvement in Iraq, launched in 2003 on false pretenses, was beamed into our homes.
中国人态度的转变并非理所当然。但当 1999 年科索沃战争期间，以美国为首的北约部队错误地轰炸了中国驻塞尔维亚贝尔格莱德大使馆时，我们对美国的崇拜开始减弱。在那次袭击中，有 3 人丧生，20 人受伤。两年后，一架美国间谍飞机和一架中国战斗机在南海相撞，造成一名中国飞行员死亡。这些事件在美国人看来可能相对较小，但它们让我们感到震惊。我们在很大程度上避免了外国战争，也不习惯我们的公民在涉及其他国家的冲突中丧生。随着 2000 年代的逐步到来以及越来越多的中国人拥有电视，这种观念的转变加快了步伐。我们目睹了美国在 2003 年以虚假借口发动的灾难性介入伊拉克的大屠杀，这些都被广播到我们的家中。

In 2008, China had to defend itself against the consequences of American greed when the U.S. subprime lending fiasco touched off the global financial crisis. China was forced to create a huge stimulus package, but our economy still suffered great damage. Millions of Chinese lost their jobs.
2008 年，当美国次级贷款惨败引发全球金融危机时，中国不得不为自己抵御美国贪婪的后果。中国被迫制定了一个巨大的刺激计划，但我们的经济仍然遭受了巨大的破坏。数以百万计的中国人失去了工作。

Following his predecessors, President Barack Obama announced a string of weapon sales to Taiwan and embarked on his so-called pivot to Asia, which we regarded as an attempt to rally our Asian neighbors against us. President Donald Trump declared a destructive trade war against us, and Chinese citizens were as shocked as anyone when a pro-Trump mob stormed the citadel of American democracy on Jan. 6, 2021. The visit to Taiwan last week by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has only further disappointed many Chinese, who saw it as a violation of U.S. commitments on Taiwan.
继他的前任总统之后，美国总统奥巴马宣布向台湾出售一系列武器，并开始了他所谓的“转向亚洲”，我们认为这是企图团结我们的亚洲邻国来反对我们。 2021 年 1 月 6 日，当特朗普的暴徒袭击美国民主堡垒时，唐纳德·特朗普总统宣布对我们发动破坏性的贸易战，中国公民和任何人一样震惊。众议院议长南希·佩洛西上周访问了台湾。只是让许多中国人更加失望，他们认为这违反了美国对台湾的承诺。

China’s critics in the United States need to realize that American actions such as these are causing outcomes in China that even the United States doesn’t want.
在美国批评中国的人需要意识到，美国的这些行为正在中国造成连美国都不想要的结果。

It’s no accident that China’s military spending — a source of concern in Washington for years — began rising in the early 2000s after the Belgrade bombing and the plane collision. It quickly took off after the war in Iraq showcased how far ahead the U.S. military was compared with ours. China’s past weakness had been calamitous: Western powers attacked and forced China to surrender territory in the 1800s, and Japan’s brutal invasion in the 20th century killed millions.
2000 年代初贝尔格莱德轰炸和飞机相撞后，中国的军费开支——多年来一直是华盛顿关注的焦点——开始上升，这绝非偶然。透过伊拉克战争认识到我们与美军的差距后，提高军费开支迅速达成共识。中国过去的弱势是灾难性的：西方列强在 1800 年代袭击并迫使中国交出领土，日本在 20 世纪的野蛮入侵造成数百万人死亡。

U.S. officials no doubt want China to follow the American path of liberalism. But in contrast to my university days, the tone of Chinese academic research on the United States has shifted markedly. Chinese government officials used to consult me on the benefits of American capital markets and other economic concepts. Now I am called upon to discuss U.S. cautionary tales, such as the factors that led to the financial crisis. We once sought to learn from U.S. successes; now we study its mistakes so that we can avoid them.
美国官员无疑希望中国走上美国的自由主义道路。但与我的大学时代相比，中国对美国的学术研究基调发生了显着变化。中国政府官员过去常常就美国资本市场的好处和其他经济概念向我咨询。现在我被要求讨论美国的警示故事，例如导致金融危机的因素。我们曾经试图从美国的成功中学习；现在我们研究它的错误，以便我们可以避免它们。

The sense of America as a dangerous force in the world has filtered into Chinese public attitudes as well. In 2020 I remarked on a Chinese television program that we still have much to learn from the United States — and was attacked on Chinese social media. I stick to my view but am now more careful in talking positively about the United States. When I do, I preface it with a criticism.
美国作为世界的危险势力的感觉也渗透到中国公众的态度中。 2020年，我在一个中国电视节目上说，我们还有很多东西要向美国学习——并在中国社交媒体上遭到攻击。我坚持我的观点，但现在在积极谈论美国时更加谨慎。当我这样做时，我会以批评作为开头。

Chinese students still want to study at U.S. universities but are acutely fearful of American gun violence, anti-Asian attacks or being labeled a spy. They are sent off with ominous advice: Don’t stray from campus, watch what you say, back away from conflict.
中国学生仍然想在美国大学学习，但非常害怕美国的枪支暴力、对亚裔的攻击或被贴上间谍的标签。让他们不安的建议却是：不要离开校园，注意你说的话，远离冲突。

And despite Chinese weariness with our country’s tough zero-Covid policy, America’s dismal record on the pandemic has only strengthened Chinese public support for our government.
尽管中国人民对我国强硬的清零政策感到厌烦，但美国在这场大流行病上的惨淡记录只会加强中国公众对我国政府的支持。

To be clear: China needs to change, too. It needs to be more open to dialogue with the United States, refrain from using U.S. problems as an excuse to go slow on reform and respond more calmly and constructively to American criticism on things like trade policy and human rights.
需要明确的是：中国也需要改变。它需要更加开放地与美国对话，避免以美国问题为借口拖慢改革步伐，更加冷静和建设性地回应美国在贸易政策和人权等问题上的批评。

But although we don’t enjoy the same rights as Americans, many in China like where we are right now.
但是，虽然我们不像美国人那样享有同样的权利，但很多中国人喜欢我们现在的处境。

In the late 1970s, China was exhausted and traumatized from the destruction and hardship caused by the Cultural Revolution, which nearly destroyed us. Deng Xiaoping initiated reforms that brought stability and helped lift 800 million people out of poverty. We have achieved spectacular increases in income and life expectancy and stayed out of foreign wars. Tough firearm regulations allow us to walk down any street in the country at night with virtually no fear of harm. When we look at America’s enormous pandemic toll, gun violence, political divisions and the attack on the U.S. Capitol, it only reminds Chinese people of our own chaotic past that we have left behind.
1970年代后期，中国因文化大革命造成的破坏和艰辛而筋疲力尽和创伤，文化大革命几乎摧毁了我们。邓小平发起的改革带来了稳定，帮助 8 亿人摆脱了贫困。我们在收入和预期寿命方面取得了惊人的增长，并且远离了外国战争。严格的枪支法规使我们能够在晚上走在该国的任何街道上，几乎不用担心受到伤害。当我们看到美国巨大的流行病死亡人数、枪支暴力、政治分歧和对美国国会大厦的袭击时，它只会让中国人想起被我们甩在背后的混乱过去。

None of this is meant to gloat over America’s troubles; a strong, stable and responsible United States is good for the world. China still has much to learn from America, and we have a lot in common. We drive Chinese-built Fords and Teslas, wash our hair with Procter & Gamble shampoos and sip coffee at Starbucks. Solving some of the planet’s biggest problems requires that we work together.
这一切都不是因为美国的麻烦而幸灾乐祸。一个强大、稳定和负责任的美国对世界有利。中国还有很多东西要向美国学习，我们有很多共同点。我们开中国制造的福特和特斯拉，用宝洁洗发水洗头，在星巴克喝咖啡。解决地球上一些最大的问题需要我们共同努力。

But that doesn’t mean following America over the cliff.
但这并不意味着跟随美国越过悬崖。

标红字体均为楼主更改，与原文作者无关。

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